1. BENGALI SCRIPT AND KOKBOROK: A  COLONIAL PROJECT
   
   
2. Tsunami Diary
   
   
3. WHO OWNS TRIPURA?: NEED FOR AN INTELLECTUAL DEBATE
   
   
4. ON LIFE AND DEATH
   
   
   
    

BENGALI SCRIPT AND KOKBOROK: A  COLONIAL PROJECT
 

With the recent  reversal    to Bengali script for kokborok by the oppositionless TTAADC ‘politics of kokborok’ is set to deepen and  further  accentuate entrenched animosities between the Tripura Communists and Tripuri  intelligentsia. Over the past few years the controversy surrounding kokborok have been two-dimensional: First,   pertaining to script for language; and second, appointment of an imported Bengali as Chairperson to Kokborok Commission. The latter generated uproariously staunched opposition led by MFK. The Government had to confront and find it hard to ward off scathing criticisms, perhaps unexpected, from all directions for its callous insensitivity in importing and imposing a dubious, unsavory tainted academician: a plagiarist from the motherland of Bengalis. The issue, now buried, exposed the colonial mindset and mental feudalism of the Bengali political elites. The scriptwriters continue to stage-manage the issue now staged within the walls of the hollow institution of TTAADC. A masterstroke. The former controversy drags on with brainless bungling politicians dancing to the tunes of their refugee masters.
    In the ongoing discourse on the script issue the broader social and political imperatives have been veiled and diluted with the debate confined to the shallow narrow question of ‘suitability’ of Bengali script for kokborok  vis-à-vis the Roman script. Debated on this line it is doubtless  that Bengali script wins hands down given bulk of our population are educated in government ran Bengali medium schools. However, given the socio-political imperatives of language and the pivotal role it plays in conditioning the way people think: how it shapes peoples mindscapes, the way they see themselves and view others in their day-to-day definition of their lives the adoption of other’s script for kokborok needs to be placed on broader plane and wider framework.
    Here it would be  pertinent to take a brief historical overview of language movements in Northeast directed against Bengali language and its script. The Assamese were the first to unfurl staunch vehement opposition to imposition of Bengali as official language during the British rule. In fact the rise of Assamese nationalism is intimately linked with their opposition to imposition of Bengali language in Assam. The Bengali babus had connived and convinced their colonial masters to adopt Bengali as official language of Assam. Assamese nationalist rose to thwart this political design of the Bengalis. After India’s independence Bengali was thrown out of educational institutions. Another opposition to Bengali Script has been, in greater intensity now, raging in Manipur. About a century ago the latter Meitei rulers have, under the influence and spell of Bengali babus adopted Bengali script. Meitei Mayek the original script of Meitei almost disappeared. Progressive minded forces rose seeking its revival. Of late Meitie Intellectuals frontlines are engaged in intense intimate dialogue with the government for its full restoration.
    Both these movements were/are not concerned with ‘suitability’ or ‘goodness’ of neither Bengali script nor its language. They were/are concerned with the very question of their political identity and reworking their political spaces. In Tripura, unfortunately, the discourse or debate had been confined to and structured around the narrow shallow question of which script is most suitable or good for kokborok? This narrow angle veils the big picture: the larger socio-political question of our identity and our struggle for political space. For about a century Meitei’s used the Bengali script despite the existence of its own original script. Why this sudden outburst against the Bengali script? The reason lies beyond the question of “suitability’ or ‘goodness’ of script. It has to be understood in the broader issue of the political process of re-asserting and re-constructing the Meitei’s political identity: A conscious attempt at grounding the way Meitei’s redefine their society and give meaning to  their past and their present.
    Movement for Kokborok need to placed and viewed  in this broader framework of redefining our society; re-asserting our political rights. Given our political context( there is a tacit  consensus among the youths that our society is half-dead, stagnant, caught in time-warp unable to define itself), two diametrically opposed people - Tripuris and Bengalis - locked in an unnamed silent struggle, politics of language ( adoption of script for kokborok) assumes the character of at once a crucial and critical issue. Bengali script for kokborok is basically a ‘policy of ethnocide’ which dominating communities indulges in every polity: a policy designed to absorb and assimilate the Tripuris into Bengali culture. Thus primarily a colonial project. Tripura epitomizes a dangerous politicalscape with potentially disastrous political construct. An alien illegal people rabidly determined to perpetuate their domination over the Tripuris and the indigenous people bracing up for a sustained struggle to challenged  this domination and alter the power equation. The imposition of Benglai script needs to be questioned, discussed and understood in this context. For  domination is pursued and perpetuated not only though political power  but also through the ‘invasion of the minds’: invading and controlling the way invaded and dominated people think. Bengali political elite’ insistence on imposing their script is a reflection of their colonial mental frame, their political project of constructing the idea of superiority of their language, their culture in the minds of Tripuris. And by that superiority construct legitimating their superior imposition in Tripura’s politicalscape. This colonial design lasted unchecked till the turn of 21^st century. When in AD 2000 the IPFT mandated that Roman script be followed for kokborok the Bengali political class went jittery and maneuvered hard to resist this challenge for within this lay their future hold over Tripura. They were able to carved out structures within our society who sought to undercut politics aimed at Bengali domination. In 2002-3 Tripuri youth organizations affiliated to the communists staged a rowdy raucous demonstration outside the Agartala Doordarshan demanding that the program highlights during kokborok slots the language be written in Bengali script. The bulk of the participants were uneducated and the rest Bengali medium educated transported from the interior villages.
    Thus today we confront not only outside inimical forces bent on perpetuating their domination over us. There are elements and structures within our society which are used as instruments (by that inimical forces) to thwart out attempts at redefining our identity. These structures will need to be dismantled layer by layer. This imposition of Bengali script needs to be opposed for within it lie embedded projects capable of rendering us identity less and our political space meaningless. Sucked into this complex political vortex our society stands stranded directionless, unable to question and find answers to problems besetting our society. This script issue provides us with propitious opportunity to question our present predicament. At the very root of this issue lie a core issue of our identity and our future. 

R K Debbarma
University of Hyderbad                                                                   Response Your Feedback                    Top
sanja_db@yahoo.co.in

        When I first heard that there was an earthquake in Chennai many people had died I rushed to the Dining Hall in watch the news. To my surprise I only saw images of water striking different parts like Marina Beach, Kanyakumari, Nagapattinam, Andaman and Nicobar Island and Sri Lanka. I was confused about how it is an earthquake when water strikes and I thought it must be a cyclone like orissa.
        My friend Elango from Tamil Nadu had been admitted to the Inlaks Hospital (Chembur) and I rushed to the hospital to give the news about many deaths. They too had no idea what had taken place. Afterwards, I heard the word “Tsunami” repeatedly but had no Idea what it meant. My friend Erika Asada who is Japanese explained to me that it’s an earthquake under the sea water strikes the land. The word was Japanese and had occurred frequently in Japan. I bought magazine and found the answer to my questions. An earthquake had taken place below the sea between Burma plate and India plate and the water traveled below the sea at a speed of 800 km/hour. It was horrible to hear about the death and destructions and there were a lot of confused reports. In campus, the only thing on the lips of student and faculty was the disaster, one of the worst in India and possible Asia.
        On the same night a few of us went to meet the Director to volunteer for relief work and he told us that one of the faculty members, Fr. Xavier was on the spot and he would send some information. A decision would then be made on how TISS would help in the relief efforts. We all wanted to rush there immediately but he told us that he would address us the next day after he got more detailed information. He also shared his concerns about where the students could be accommodated and other details if they went for relief work. He also shared his experiences during the Latur earthquake.
        The process of decision making involved talking to the HOD’s(Head of the departments) and other faculty members and this was a long process. All of us were impatient and felt that the relief operations will be over by the time we reach and TISS was the slowest responder. But gradually the committees were formed and volunteers sought and the briefing done. This was before we left to Tamil Nadu. I would now like to share my experiences of what happened there.
        Our group first went with the Stella Maris (college) group but there was no accommodation for the Men so we had to shift to Nagapattinam the most Tsunami affected area there another Tamil speaking group would join us. We reached there on 21^st Jan 2005, and on the following day we moved to our site by van. As we approached the village, I was shocked to see big boats lying on the road, the coastal line fully damaged, broken walls and destroyed roads. As we approached the village, houses were fully or partially destroyed bleaching powder spread all across and medicine we being sprayed over the destroyed village.
We went to Akkaraipettai village, where people, young and old rushed to get something from us as soon as we got down from the van, mistaking us for government officials. They came with pink and yellow cards given by the government. We told them we were Social work students came to survey the lost of property so that we could give a report to the TN government. There were four Tamil speaking people in our group and we divided ourselves accordingly. As soon as we got off the van, people started telling us their problems. They then learnt that only a few understood Tamil and started sharing with them. After some time, I noticed that our translators wee totally involved in the situation and they were interacting with the people without translating to us. I thought they were also inexperienced and in their enthusiasm forgot about us. However it was frustrating. I somehow came to know that the man who was talking to us lost one child in the tsunami. He had been in the middle of the sea, unable to get back because the sea was rough. He had seen the waves strikes the village without realizing what happened. The water rose till chest level. Three huge waves struck the village and wreaked havoc.
        Meanwhile a girl of 12 years came to us with tears and explained that she had lost both parents and was staying with her brother who was advising her to go to a hostel. When I asked her name, she replied in English- Vinida. After that many women and old people came and shared their experiences with tears and a shivering voice but they remained untranslated. I thought it was useless for us to have gone there, but felt that I could learn something from observation. Then we went around the village, trying to build rapport with the villagers, specially the youth.
        While going around the village, I met an English speaking girl and interacted with her. She told me that when the tsunami struck, she was standing between houses, 500 mts from the sea. She did not see the water but suddenly say boats flying over the houses and water came like clouds. She ran to her house and went to the terrace, just after one wave had washed away and dead bodies were floating around. While listening to her, I noticed one abnormal lady lying on the sand, bitten by flies and asked the girl what was the problem. The lady had lost her only child. Two young kids were brought and introduced to me. They had lost both their parents. She also introduced her cousin brother whose mother and sister had died and father had become abnormal and was staying at the temple.
        Next day again the groups were divided and out group went to the shore to do social mapping and found all the destroyed houses, because we had no idea about how the village had looked like. We got 96 household names of one street. We tried deepening out work, the next day we took some youth aside and I would give the name of the household. I noted the type of house, size, members who had perished and who had survived the tsunami, boats that the family lost.
        Next day we went to Keechankuppam village, where around 940 people died. The old ladies were weeping and mourning in the Temple and men were drinking and playing cards. A person called Subramanium told me that whenever he closes his eyes, he sees only water and all of them had totally lost sleep. They fear water. I told them it would not come again and they felt relaxed. They said everyone had been frightening them but no one consoled them. We could hardly communicate with their broken and a few words of Tamil; that way we had given some psychological support which was so necessary at that moment. So our going there was of some use.
        We also learned that none of them had eaten fish after tsunami when they would eat earlier five to six days in a week. They mass cremated the dead in the destroyed houses. Children played for the first time after tsunami with us and the youth started sharing with us since we were the only one to listen to them and their sorrows.
Back in Mumbai, whenever I close my eyes, I see only the destroyed villages, death and miserable people. I became weak and am not able to sleep properly. We never know when and what would happen to nature. Our life is not in our hands. We boast of our abilities and intelligence which is nothing after death. The little contribution we can make is share with our friends and neighbors whatever goodness we have. As the saying goes, the good time is now and the good place is here. Never wait for a good time to come which will never turn but make a heaven in hell by our practice of little good deeds.

JIBAN DEB BARMA
TATA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, MUMBAI – 88
Mob:- 09892790086                                                                                      Response Your Feedback                    Top
E-mail: langma@rediffmail.com



 

The long-drawn movements by various ethnic groups in Northeast India for self-determination centered around two aspirations: Autonomy within the Indian constitutional framework and secession(independence) challenging the very idea of Indian nationalism. This seductive idea of self-determination have become so fashionable that Tripuri leadership – politicians, intellectuals and insurgents – jumped the bandwagon: some asking for more autonomy, others calling for secession, without proper investigation and clear understanding of the prevailing distinct situational and contextual background of Tripuris. This situational and contextual differences vis-à-vis other ethnic groups have undercut demand for self-determination by Tripuris: demand for autonomy is politically immature foolish strategy and demand for secession is illogical and devoid of faintest rationality unless the issue of political ownership of the territorial entity of Tripura is settled. This paper argues that given our situational difference self-determination is an unwinable ideological framework within which to locate our struggle strategy. We will need to resituate and redefine our movement and framework of struggle. Prior to self-determination the legal and political question of ‘ownership of Tripura’ : who(Bengalee or Tripuri) have the right to exercise political control over the land? needs to settled.

Unlike other indigenous people in NE ours is a tragic history and pathetic present: politically displaced by illegal migrants. Outnumbered. Outvoted. Having consolidated their numerical position in Tripura by late sixties and established political, economic and administrative hegemony Bengalee intellectuals embarked on singular project of justifying and legalizing their ownership of Tripura. This project was sought to be achieved through the construction of an ‘idea’: that Bengalees are legal co-inhabitants of Tripura, rightful co-owners of the land. Legitimization of this ‘idea’ was achieved through brutal means of unabashed distortion and doctoring of our history and ingenious administrative manipulations. Once this ‘idea’ was legitimized in the national discourse and acquired acceptance by the national leadership a political system designed to perpetuate refugee domination was put into place leading to further marginalisation and brutal suppression of the indigenous people who today choke under the crushing burden of the illegitimate biased system. The success of Bengalee intellectuals in legalizing their ‘co-ownership of the land’ have made our demand for self-determination at once a perilous affair and blunted strategy. Under the present system our demand for autonomy like the TTAADC is an explicit acceptance of the illegal Bengalee infiltrators as legitimate and rightful inhabitants; and our call for secession is politically illogical irrational by the fact that we do not exercise political control over the territory. As such like Nagas we possess no legitimate and rational claim to independence. And autonomy demand is risky a political foolhardy affair because autonomy is demanded from a illegitimately legitimate government. Autonomy demand should be vis-à-vis the Indian government. Not state government.

This failure, to understand our situational and contextual present and define our movements accordingly, have twin impact on our indigenous movements: First we have failed to construct a common identity which is a prerequisite for a strong movement, leading to further fragmentation of identities and disunity; secondly, we failed to challenge the unabashed tailored ideas and discourses of Bengalee intellectuals regionally, nationally and internationally. This twin-failures is reflective of our defeat in the ‘battle of ideas’: the intellectual battle. Bengalee intellectuals have succeeded in shifting and confining the discourse on Tripura within the autonomy-question vis-à-vis the state government. The ownership question has been taken as settled. Presumably an easy-earned not-so-praiseworthy victory.

Today keen observers of Tripura politics is struck by the overwhelming dominance and one sidedness of the ethno-political discourse in Tripura. In their discourse and narratives on ethnic unrest and tension between Tripuris and Bengalees the cause is located on land alienation: land alienation of tribals( mark, not Tripuris}by the more advanced Bengalee inhabitants. This unrest is diagnosed primarily as agrarian in nature, not political. The issue of our political displacement and subjection and suppression is a non-issue. This compels us politically to rethink our strategy of self-determination and resituate the political debate: the war of ideas. Battle zone need to be redrawn and shifted from question of ‘more autonomy’ to question of ‘who owns Tripura? Which people have the legitimacy to exercise political control over Tripura?’. Only when this ownership issue is settled, rightfully, in our favor we can make a rational claim for secession or more autonomy. Towards this project an intellectual onslaught will need to be launched against the ‘Bengalee idea’ that Bengalees are historically legal inhabitants of Tripura. Tripura politics is structured and centered around this ‘idea’. The task at hand is to deconstruct this idea: demystify and peel off its surface-fictions and lay it bare, denuded to the world. Once this is achieved the political system structured on this foundation will come crumbling down. We always live ideas. Ideas permeate system. Destroy the idea which permeate the system and the system will collapse.

Today, we need to question our role, our ideas, and how we resist a system which is designed for our perpetual political subjection. Who are we in the present? And how did we become who we are in the present? You and I have a duty to resist, oppose a system which have made us who we are in the present: An illegitimate system which denigrates our existence, our history; demean our political and social dignity. Resistance to any form of subjection is a human right endorsed by international law. Do we have the dignity, courage and sagacity to resist?
 

Ever wondered that you can control your breath? (But once you pay attention to this natural process, doesn't the fear of forgetting to breath give you a sudden shiver?) You can halt the natural process of breathing ! You can breath breath in longer breaths or shorter breaths or breath faster, as you wish! Look now it's noteworthy that when we are not aware of our breathing what really does that for us? What really it is and what name should be ascertained to it? Had it been involuntary like the heart it'd have been another case.
           Life is being kept alive by the natural process that we have just discussed. But life, yes life it's  beyond my ability to define it! Can you? I don't think you can and if you come up with a definition I 'll be the first person with the most eager ears to hear you define what life is. We can not simply say life means breathing or some action like locomotion.
           It is universally accepted (universe made of humans, for animals don't accept) that man is the most advanced form of life (But is he? Isn't he the one who lacks the sixth?). He is rational. He  reasons all effect and cause. He is the wisest (But is he ? Man has fought the most gruesome of battles that perhaps wild animals can't think of! And he has proved to be wilder than the most wild animal! As only a single example , the name that comes to one's mind is Hitler!). Man has taken up the task to tame nature in his endeavour to make life better for himself and his fellowmen. But how far he is successful in his effort? In a sentence we can say that man is now living in an uncivilised modern civilised jungle. You would say that I've moved away from the main topic 'Life'. But didn't I accept defeat that I am unable to define what life is and promised my eager ears to your definition first?
            Now let us come to death. Death can be defined as something without life. Sounds weird? Try to become familiar with it, for if you are familiar with life then you are destined to face death! May be it sounds horrifying or rather absurd. But dear it's the truth! In a sense, as it is said, truth is more fearsome and dangerous than fantasy! A self-proclaimed poet writes: "Life is but the path (we walk) to death,/Death, the end of breath,/The end of of sorrow,/For you won't worry,/The end of prospect of seeing morrow,/And you won't feel sorry!"

Sanjib Chakma                                             Response Your Feedback                   Top
BA Eng.MBBC
Tripura University.